2014 The election that changed India by Unknown
Author:Unknown
Language: eng
Format: mobi
Published: 0101-01-01T00:00:00+00:00
2012. Everywhere I travelled in UP during the
elections, one encountered an overwhelming sense
of frustration. ‘ Akhilesh sarkar nahi chala sakte’
(Akhilesh can’t run the government), was a
familiar cry of anguish. It was a sullen anger
waiting for an outlet to gush out. Modi provided
the voter that escape route—he promised them
deliverance from doom and gloom. The
discredited Yadavs versus Modi’s promise of
‘hope’—it was a no-contest. I remember meeting
a young Yadav student leader in Meerut who said
he was voting for Modi. ‘Akhilesh has given us a
laptop, but no bijli,’ he told me. ‘Modi aayenge,
bijli layenge!’ (Modi will bring electricity.) UP’s
youth were ready to cross the caste Rubicon. If
even the Yadavs were looking to vote for Modi,
then UP’s political earth was truly beginning to
shake.
The erosion in support for Akhilesh’s government
was good news for Amit Shah. His UP strategy
was working perfectly. SP down and out,
Mayawati making no real headway, Rahul
missing in action and his party in disarray—
Shah’s political rehabilitation seemed complete.
Well, almost.
In the middle of November, while the country
was mourning the retirement of Sachin Tendulkar,
‘Snoopgate’ hit the headlines. A scandal had
broken out, with two websites, Cobrapost.com
and Gulail.com, releasing audio tapes with
telephone conversations that purportedly had Shah
directing the illegal surveillance of a young
woman at the behest of his ‘saheb’. I was in
Mumbai tracking the Sachin mania when the story
broke. That evening, I got a call from Shah. His
voice was as soft as ever but the message was less
comfiting:
‘Yeh kya headline story aap chala rahe ho.
Thoda zara dekh lo na, hata do usko’ (What is
this story you are running, please do see and
remove it).
I was used to politicians occasionally ringing
up, asking for negative stories to be edited out. My
standard approach was to say I didn’t know what
was airing on the channel and that I wasn’t in the
studio. The hope was always that the politician
would forget about it and the sheer pace of a 24/7
news wheel would prevent anyone from trying to
put pressure to censor content. Shah, though,
seemed pretty insistent, but I wasn’t going to be
bullied easily. ‘Don’t worry, sir, you give your
version too, story ko to chalana padega [I have to
run the story],’ I said, while asking our news team
to be careful with the facts.
By next morning, the story had acquired a
momentum of its own. The Congress had found a
new stick with which to beat the Shah–Modi duo,
this time one that they were hopeful would
actually land a decisive political blow. The party’s
women MPs were summoned to Delhi by Rahul
Gandhi’s office and asked to hold a special press
conference.
Women’s
organizations
were
particularly
irate
and
demanded
Modi’s
resignation and Shah’s prosecution. ‘Why doesn’t
Amit Shah tell us who the “saheb” is on whose
behalf he was snooping?’ asked the National
Commission for Women chairperson, Mamata
Sharma. The Central government promised to
appoint a judicial inquiry but didn’t seem to make
much progress. ‘No judge was willing to take up a
politically sensitive case,’ a senior minister told
me.
Worried about the fallout, the Shah–Modi duo
acted swiftly. The Gujarat government appointed
its own inquiry commission to look into the case.
The young woman’s father approached the
Supreme Court and asked the court to restrain the
Centre from ordering a parallel inquiry. The father
even issued
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